Wednesday, October 18, 2017

A Rare Specimen of Nationalist Collaboration in Robert Brasillach

Paul Fischer
Professor Zdatny

Kaplan, Alice. The Collaborator: The Trial and Execution of Robert Brasillach. Chicago and London, The University of Chicago Press, 2001.

Word Count: 708

A Rare Specimen of Nationalist Collaboration in Robert Brasillach

In 1942 in France there existed a certain writer devoid of integrity. Once a member of a politically diverse group of gifted academics, Robert Brasillach drifted into the sphere of a close family friend, Maurice Bardèche, and then through conservative society in France to Nazism. In The Collaborator by Alice Kaplan, two major implements of innocence are offered in addition to an intimate history of the writer’s career and trial. The career of the writer is difficult to reconstruct; even such important facts as the nature of his sexuality have been lost to history.
Apologizing for denouncers of the Resistance and anti semites is serious. By the millennium, the case of Robert Brasillach had attracted attention as a case in which French Justice was too harsh, and great in its reach (234). Enough stress cannot be placed on the seriousness of the actions of Brasillach that resulted in the death of writers. Facts have not changed since the event of the trial.
In the early moments, Brasillach appeared to be one of the greatest minds of France. Even in a POW camp, though his mind had begun to experience the creeping poison of anti semitic indoctrination, he demonstrated a genius intellectual prowess, writing novels in their entirety before other inmates without edits (40). The work of Alain-Fournier inspired him to write in “tight, voluptuous little paragraphs” in his early novels and essays (5). Sitting adorned with all of the splendor and “iron jewels” of a prisoner, he wished during his trial to appear a quiet and humble writer of novels and romantic work, and to shed the subsuming odor of collaborationist denunciation, murder, and pillage that his actions cloaked him in (190).
At that time, with a bleak outlook, the attorney of Brasillach, Jacques Isorni told him that they could only “remain steadfast and hope” (185). Unable to prove innocence of the crimes that resulted or contributed to the deaths of fellow Frenchmen, the legal case rested on the impropriety of the proceedings. With his offensive retaliation to the accusations of Marcel Reboul, the prosecuting attorney, Isorni subtly pointed to the Prosecution’s historical quest to convict black marketeers of the Resistance.  This fails exactly because the black market in occupied France was frequently run by Germans themselves, and many of the targets of Reboul’s court had been Germans through the war (102).
Isorni’s own work in the Special Committee defending Jews helped serve a contrast of collaborative administrative roles. It would not be until much later that speculation was offered that this was a trial about crimes against the “humanity of the pen” (218). At the time of the trial, concentration camps had shocked the nation, those defending in such cases as the Brasillach trial as well. In his last days the poetry he writes is despondent and both sexual and racial postures atypical of a racist denunciatory Nazi are presented (189). The guilt of the defendant can be supposed, and there seems to be an understanding of the justice in the verdict at the end of the war in this literary and social critic.
Brasillach himself had few pieces of credible defense. He quit his job at the denunciatory Je Suis Partout, but too late to be considered an act of resistance (152). His work selling classics may have been miscast in the trial, but a trial does not consist of the facts that fall, but those that stand. Brasillach is a man who sat up straight at the docket and defended collaborationist nationalism in the light of the holocaust and Nazi defeat.
Kaplan’s treatment of the life is light by necessity, and with about 100 pages devoted to the trial, she focuses on what is known rather than what is forgotten and lost of his life. As a historian, she exhibits a restraint in tackling a difficult case that has seduced many into sympathy for the Nazi at trial. This is not done by political maneuver or conjecture, but a simple and logical progression through the facts of the case that are known.

Thursday, October 12, 2017

The French Beat: Love, Violence, and Rape of the American Liberation

Paul Fischer
Professor Zdatny

Word Count: 737

Roberts, Mary Louise. What Soldiers Do: Sex and the American GI in World War II France. Chicago and London, The Chicago University Press, 2013.

The French Beat: Love, Violence, and Rape of the American Liberation

There is a gritty progression as What Soldiers Do by Marie Louise Roberts digs into American activities in France during World War II without gloves. Early discussion of “cheesecake” and the mutual sexual identities of the two nations sets a broad foundation for the evidentiary analysis of the host of criminality espoused by prostitution and pimping. This evolves into an extended discussion of how rape helps define the stimulus relationship of libido-driven communications between victor and the liberated. That relationship is a curious one worthy of analysis because while similar to that of the victor and vanquished, there are notable differences.
What the German men had been commissioned to do, the French women did on accident or out of necessity. Droves of informal prostitutes and informally condoned American sexuality meant that by the time of the North African campaign venereal disease had become the most prevalent reason for hospitalization among soldiers (163). A trend had been established, and Roberts sets out to not only explores the causes but also the repercussions of an uncontrolled army in Europe in 1944 and 1945.
In order to create a setting of both national mindsets, the former occupation by Germany in France is historicized. While a tightly regulated prostitution ring and insistence on fellatio played some role in the relatively effective control of venereal disease among German soldiers and the French, it is likely the deportation of two million male POWs and tens of thousands of female prostitutes to labor camps in Germany was equally critical to the “success” of the repressive occupation (146). During the American occupation there is no corollary for these actions, though some individual officers did transfer infected prostitutes to refugee camps out of desperation at times (127).
French MPs provided some regulation but also frequently double timed as pimps, charging access fees to prostitutes, providing little help (180). Communications and pimping are two factors that may explain how the regulation of prostitution of 1941 did not produce problems in American bases such as Hawaii it did in France (184). Perhaps the strongest argument to look the other way for soldiers such as General Gerhardt lay in the homophobia and fear of what was believed to be perversion amongst the ranks without sanctioned outlets (175).
It is likely that the return of POWs created a mindset of intolerance that is shown in demonstrations such as the tonte, in which women who had loved Germans had their head shorn and were marched through the streets. The attitude was also directed at GIs: some French bristled at the sight of some “ex-gangster from Chicago” fornicating with foreign women in public (106). Ameri-Franco relations were complicated by the unique role of liberator, rather than victor. The French mindset was threatened by these factors, but rape played a sensationalist tune to the newly racialized ears of the liberated nation.
Most rape in France was attributed to blacks in the Army. While no distinctions were claimed between white and black soldiers in the US Army other than segregation at the time, these soldiers were also prohibited from combat duty (225). The reports of rape, which occurred in two waves, were frequently unsubstantiated or blatantly false. One official remarked that given the numbers of soldiers deployed in the greatest human movement of mankind the Army did well in control. French racism was not the only culprit; the American military hoped to engender a heterosexual romance that was “corrupted” by rape. Scapegoating black military service members turned out to be a step into a bear trap on the way to the Times Square kiss (257).

There are multiple factors making the sexual break of late-war France phenomenal and unique in nature. Firstly, the American libido had been primed by successful stories of the Expeditionary Force of World War One. Secondly, as French men returned from POW camps a crisis in manhood coupled with prostitution with a shortage of pimps  or rules to accelerate violence, though some women felt less exploited in this way. Finally, the same cold winter that drove the Germans out of Russia in 1944 and ‘45 also drove French women to a degraded status. This triplicate of factors meant that the actuality of a raped nation existed in duality with liberation.

Wednesday, October 4, 2017

Rags to Strikes to Blood: Confusions Coalesce in Liberation

Paul Fischer
Professor Zdatny

Gildea, Robert. Fighters in the Shadows: A New History of the French Resistance. Cambridge, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2015.

Rags to Strikes to Blood: Confusions Coalesce in Liberation

Resistance had an unsure beginning in the humiliation of the defeat of 1940. False starts plagued a crisis in command and in terms of tangible resources to bog the French resistance to German occupation down. Fighters in the Shadows by Robert Gildea details the brave leaders in France and abroad who initiated and carried out the fight for liberation as well as the distinct sequence of events that brought many early Pétainists from Vichy collaborationist policies to outright guerilla warfare. Three critical developments through the war are discussed in the book that will be highlighted in this review. Together these describe how France fell out of favor with the occupying Fatherland and instead subsumed a sort of “shadowland fraught with danger and often reality struck back with brutal effect” (157).
Early in the war, a popular way of demonstrating opposition to the Germans was to publish “rags” or a newssheet such as Défense de la France (71). Among the dozen or so pictures in the book is a sequence of four pictures contrasting wartime and peacetime among the French, including the young flyboy Jean Cavailles. These are demonstrative of the progression of French resistance presented in the book.
“Resistance activity was structured, above all, through writing, printing and distribution of underground newspapers,” an undertaking that allowed greater involvement of French women in addition to increasing the breadth of appeal to the general public (143). A snapshot of the larger resistance is provided in the work of Sabine Zlatin, who saved over five hundred Jewish children from camps during the war through the organization of religious youth workers who stayed in camps, often only as teens, and offered services (203). Decades after the war, Serge Klarsfeld would challenge the resistance narrative by declaring during the Barbie trial of 1987, “the fact of being a Jewish child condemned you to death more surely than any act of resistance” (465). Ultimately, it would turn out, the fate of both were hand in hand.
While female involvement in the war took many forms, including extraction of both Protestants and Jews from internment camps once deportations began, one of the ubiquitous forms of heroism and sacrifice was in the common strikes undertaken, with encouragement of the Communist Party. The sources of such demonstrations of solidarity with the Allies were many, but all carried the similarity of virtually unprecedented brutality in official response. This in turn created a “cult of martyrs, which served the growing legend of communist heroism and self-sacrifice”; more importantly such strikes initiated the provocation of Germans to deport French men to work camps (175). This action of German belligerence, calling 75,000 young men to work and demanding three workers for every POW returned, did as much as, perhaps more than, any amount of propaganda or even antisemitic actions to stoke the flames of resistance (139).
Brutality and execution of striking workers were not the only reason the Germans failed, nor were they limited to France (428). Just as the Nazis spread across Europe, so too did the anti-fascist network of spies and fighters. With American entry in the war, Germany took another action to cement the opposition against them: the occupation of all of France in 1944 and disregard for the Armistice (262). Vichy was finally at war with the Nazis. Not all Vichy were united in resistance, nor were the resisters united. Two newly distinct forms of resistance emerged and were in competition.
While some officers in the 100,000 strong Armistice Army formed a secret society, French hopes for liberation lay in the arms of DeGaulle in London and General Giraud, the future commander-in- chief of the reformed French Army. Giraud’s motto: ‘A single goal, Victory’ was appealing to the United States, who did not see Vichy as an inoperable state as the British believed (277). Giraud’s Free French would come to a head when Moulin, who convened the National Council of Resistance in 1943, was arrested (286). Metropolitan resistance and the Free French Army would remain at conflict in interest throughout Operation African Torch, as European resisters felt abandoned.

Supply drops at the time were intermittent, and relief or escape infrequent, though groups such as the Shelburn Network did provide some avenues for both (312). One of the most visually gripping points in the book is the meeting of two very different types of guerrilla following the march across Tunisia. Paul’s plan, intended to slow German counter-movements, resulted in a maximum slow-down of guerrilla movements, and the Free-French army was dirty, disheveled and rugged upon meeting their Vichy counterparts who would now join them, even though they had previously fought one another. In a manner symbolic of the general resistance, however, that army had won the coherent respect of Allied commanders and their vanquished foes alike. The brutality of Nazism not only served to sharpen the Allied identity, but also forged new patriotism amongst Frenchmen from the ashes of humiliation.

Tuesday, September 26, 2017

PHLOTE Mission

PHLOTE Mission
Kevin Kempton

Phobos as a captured asteroid, early in Mars’ formation, how did it form without having a rubble body surface?
Identifying if it has water etc in it?
There are grooves on it, is it starting to get pulled apart.
A lot of talk about a precursor mission to Phobos, thoughts to go to Phobos first.
Radiation environments, dust environments, oxygen as a consumable and 85% of propellant reactions. If we can stay there, it would be a nice thing to have.
Public interest, having an eye in the sky view decomposing of Phobos, with a precursor crew.

Small body with low gravity, very close to mars, a perfect playpen for preparing L1 operations. An extended mission could be useful

The Phlote spacecraft is compromised of the main spacecraft, with subsystems, … , and a sensor sytem attached with a tether system.

Mars Observational Monitor (MOM) is the main spacecraft, mass allocation is 40kg
S-band patch antenna, tether reel and deployer, navigation lira, transceivers, solar array actuation, battery array…
Tangible launch vehicle to show a credible design. High inclination launch sight with a small bipropellant thruster to get PHLOTE past the majority of earths radiation belts.
When we do get to mars we will be going into a mapping orbit around phobos, we will need to get L1 and L2 locations identified quickly for lextended ops.
The spacecraft cannot fight periodic motion, but allowing it to go with periodic motion, and the tether system avoids use of propellant to stay in one place while mapping.
Description of drift rates
The tech making this possible are navigation doppler liar 
Op range: 6000 m 
Velocity error .2cm /sec
Range error: 23 cm.

Low gravity means low tension, like a dime on a 6m thread
How to avoid a ball of spaghetti on the tether: pretensionors.
Cold gas thrusters may minimize the impulse inanition to a spring mechanism.
Thermal expansion in the tether will also be a factor as the craft will be going into eclipse regularly

Precursor mission by 2023 for PDR, land 2026.
Data also provided for a similar application on Titan Operation Tether Experiment (TOTE), can be applicable to many others…

What are your rying to do with the tether?
Allows you to sample and do observations. Stability and control. 
But you are going to land anyway?
The tether will help with a low cost mission, including after landing, having the tether.
Does the tether provide any services to the landing op? MOM to POP?
Yeah, we thought about that first, but we are moving away from that, instead above the sensor platform we are going to have such a system that is conductive, but we have an abrasive tether, it will be noncontinuous to the main space craft, allowing the craft to be reeled in and out appropriately...
What about landing in multiple spots?
SDK did not like the rough surface, so the tether won out after such an orbital analysis.
I am glad to see attention given to PHLOBOS, as the Russians, I see it as among the most valuable locations in the solar system. Why have you not mentioned the elephant of the room, that if you can anchor with the tether? You would have a space elevator. The first space elevator dynamic testing as well as a counterweight.
We want to have a low-cost dynamic mission, and the scale cannot be increased.
If we are looking at ISRU from the moon, one thing we have done is boulder grabbing. I am intrigued by the use of the system to bring a boulder back to the processor, it could eliminate the heavy propellants.
I agree because the free end of a tether is a great place to put an American flag.

I know! I can tell the Russians we worked with and they will say, ‘Isn’t that great!”

Fusion Propulsion

Presentation by Jason Cassibry, PhD, prepared by Mike Lapointe, PhD, absent
Why the interest in fusion propulsion?
Going far, getting there fast and taking lots of stuff with you
Magnetoinertail fusion
electrothermal loss, introduction of a magneto inertial field cuts down on that loss

Paths to MIF compression:
Z-pinch azithumal field
Theta pinch linear field
Liner materiaal
Equivalent view - magnetic flux implodes target

Theta pinch:
Hooves on a cylindrical piston drive the reaction into a nozzle

Replace the time-varying magnetic field with a stationary field
Induce image currents equation for production
Two stage-like gas guns that can achieve the concept are extant
Ast the pellet runs through the magnetic fuel coil, heat expands the fuel to fusion levels

Accelerator >>> pellet >>>> electromagnetic field >>>> expanding pellet

Target can be accelerated to the required velocity, simplified system helps in many ways 

Phase 1 understand the dynamics between the rapidly moving target and the gradient field
Dynamics between target and gradient field
Fuel target design

Target fuels
Deuterium Tridium, seems to be the best route, but many choices to look at

Accelerator trades
Light gas, rail guns
Electro thermal acceleration
Laser acceleration

Reduce compression requirements
Higher initial temperature is positive to reduce field investment.

MATLAB modeling
Numerical modeling, includes high-temperature tabulations of state, resolving vacuum charging interface, electromagnetic equation solutions..

Convergence divergence modeling to find fuel gradients.
Looking at 100 microseconds where the target comes in, you can see the density contours as the expansion occurs
Note: not a fusion model, that tried first, code-blue right away.

Payload mass delivered to Mars, preliminary field modeling of both NIAC PUFF …

Initial vehicle concept with Orion.
Developing the tools to evaluate the concept in a mission context
Analytic models to provide initial performance estimates.
Updating fusion vehicle analysis with new engine design and performance parameters…

How will it be kept cold?
We are still working on getting a target to ignite and burn, that will be phase 2
What are the power requirements and what is the power source?
For any. System we will need a battery, this has a 100 Mw nuclear reactor, especially for deep space missions.
What is the density times time target?
Looking at solid density targets, we have not settled in a loss in criteria , still working with basic models.
 Competing with laser confinement fusion?
Partially, but those need a large initial, 3 football field, power and energy requirement… we look to reduce that.
If you strip your system down and compute the energy efficiency, what fractional efficiency do you have?
We look at the kinetic energy invested into the nozzle, vs. the energy returned, but that is not what you are asking for.
It seems asymetric to use Copernicus? High-fidelity tool for a low-fidelity outcome?
That is putting the cart before the horse. Hard to do insertion with a low thrust system. Straight-liine trajectories etc… injection delta v is equal to the velocity at the destination.
What is the jet power? Specific impulse and dry mass?
10k to 30000 for the specific impulse. 200 to 300 metric tonnes. Jet power would be in the order of maybe 100 Mw but probably not that big.
How much of the fusion power hits the plume?
Temperatures get hot, and radiate in the X-ray, but 25-50% depending how large the system
OK so 20 MW of jet power in 100 tonnes?
Yes, but not certain of the number.
What is the liner made of?

We are exploring that as a parameter. This is a derivative of the PUFF concept, so a layer of uranium would give exothermic reactions and an additional boost. Other heavier elements such as lead have been considered.

Continuous electrode inertial electrostatic confinement fusion

Ray Sedwick 

Continuous electrode inertial electrostatic confinement fusion

Power availability as limiter to space exploration

No pressure vessel. Fusion not fission
Aneutronic shielding: no shielding
DEC direct energy conversion

Reduce mass by 4x
Fusers of the 60s
Radian acceeration of furl lions. T center, most unfortunately lost to cathode good.

The idea is to use a multi grid device, greater survivability of ions

Continuous electrode IEC
Simultaneous impact to the cathode, sloth thermalization process and this is important for aneutronic fuel.
System is highly transparent to the fusion products
Waste heat generated as a result of impact of ions and no additional radiators are necessitated forthesystem(radiators make a substantial mass of projected finished product)

C60 buckyball, each of the vertices from icosahedral, yield irregular hexagons and regular pentagons with roughly the same area
The center is where the fusion occurs… 32 channels, 16 beam lines

Aneutronic fuel
D-T lowest hanging fruit in terms of fuel
17..6 MeV >> 14.1 MeV neurtrons (low efficiency of the heat source)

So we focus on  p11 B 
Still poor thermal plasma performance, 175% bremsstrahlung losses
Possible to produce more fusion power, and is produced as alpha particles, @4MeV apiece and one around 1 MeV
Standing Wave Direct energy Converter:
Up to 90% energy extracted. Spread of energy loses more in alphas we will see.
It has become clear that within the next 5-10 years something big will happen in fusion.
When will this move to phase 2?
Experimental confinement fusion elsewhere?
Ions are primarily radially, hence the icasehedral design of the cofinemnet, it is a sort of geometry game to avoid some issues
A little curious if the 80% conversion efficiency is not that good? Also what about the 20% of alphas that can be very damaging floating around to existing structures?

We are perhaps naively hopeful that all alphas will leave the system, there is no entrapment in the system.

NIAC Projects 2017

Using a rover to collect nitrogen from Pluto to manufacture fuel onsite to return home:

Bioengineering a soft robot rover based on eels to explore underneath the icy surface of Europa:

A baby toy inspires a resistant and flexible rover design:

Wednesday, September 20, 2017

Three Distinct Antisemitic Trends in Vichy France

Paul Fischer
Professor Zdatny

Marrus, Michael R. Paxton, Robert O. Vichy France and the Jews. Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1981.

Word Count: 752

Three distinct antisemitic trends in Vichy France

Vichy France and the Jews is research that has been done rereading evidence, correspondence, and documents from the persecution of the Jews in France during World War II. It is worthwhile to highlight some of the critical trends of antisemitism at the time, as well as that which separates French racism from other national discriminatory natures.
Some background is provided into the history of anti-racist measures, helping to establish the surprise with which the French encountered the success of racist movements (25-71). Foremost, loi Marchandeau prohibited antisemitism in the press and had been passed shortly before the invasion. It would be replaced with the Statut des juifs, legislation updated during the war (3). In the first statute effects were primarily felt by civil servants, but as the war drew on, its goals would be expanded in revisions to include mandatory identification, property sequestration, and ultimately death for all Jews in Occupied France. Other empirical restrictions on the activities of Jewish communities included race-exclusive leagues such as l’Ordre des Médecins established August 10, 1940 that effectively excluded Jews from medical practice (160). A similar measure was taken shortly afterwards for lawyers.
Reconciliation of trending French sympathies for the Allies that grew through the war and simultaneously increasing sanctioned persecution of the Jews can be difficult (201, 210). Three examples are useful in addressing this: that of Theodore Dannecker, SS judenreferat, of Xavier Vallat, Commissioner-General of the Jewish Question (CGJQ), and of Ambassador Otto Abetz.
Upon arrival August 12, 1940, Theodore Dannecker, a young officer of the SS, was tasked with bringing the “‘gut antisemitism’ - a visceral hatred undisciplined by reason, patriotism, or a sense of public order” of Germany to France (89). At the time, this proved complicated; even the Marshall Pétain had friends in his inner circle that he wished to ensure were exempted from early legislation (207). Dozens of property crimes and other violence had been directed against Jews in the countryside of France before German invasion, to be sure, but officially these had been hitherto rightly viewed as illegal acts (34, 182). The nature of these crimes were personal rather than organized, and did not near the level of the atrocities experienced during the war. Marrus and Paxton even point to the irony that legislation preventing refugees from getting jobs or obtaining worthwhile occupations created the very conditions of criminality that they were explicitly charged with preventing.
The invasion of France also saw antisemitism drift into the sphere of politics and diplomacy. For one powerful figure, the Ambassador Abetz, “antisemitism [was] one of the levers to replace the reactionary grip of the Church and Army in Vichy France by a popular, anticlerical, pro-European … mass-movement” (78). The use of antisemitism as a tangent factor in contingent political battles directed mass opinion in a manner uncharacteristic of the liberal or communist antisemitism extant in France before occupation.
Xavier Vallat was the Commissioner-General of Jewish Questions in France. Original enthusiasm led to his public admission that “aryanization had produced an unleashing of greed’” (156). He “proclaimed himself a champion of ‘state antisemitism,’ the regulation of Jewish existence by state agencies for the benefit of all Frenchmen” (89). The position was offensive to the Germans, though not entirely out of step with the general strategies that they employed, because the French created the position independently of Germany and without forewarning. While for some, it could be seen as a way of heading off some of the more strict German rules for Jews, it also behaved more harshly towards certain groups of Jews as well (83). Arguably, it is the deviation from German guidelines that may have led to his dismissal.

The successor of Vallat, Louis Darquier, would be a complete contradiction in terms to the first Commisioner-General. With three arrests, he took the level of antisemitism to another level (283). By the time he was appointed in 1942, Laval had taken office and persecution of the Jews already well outside the legal bounds of French sovereignty, began to escalate well out of all legal and moral bounds (251). While the Germans influenced Vichy France greatly, it is a tragedy that such a high level of complicity existed, and co-operation was present even outside of the specifically antisemitic departments, “it was not the PQJ who conducted the arrests and guarded the trains, but regular police” (294).

Monday, September 18, 2017

Technics of France in Crisis: Two Defeats in Strange Defeat

Paul Fischer
Professor Zdatny

Bloch, Marc. Strange defeat: A statement of evidence written in 1940. No. 371. WW Norton & Company, New York, 1968.

France in Crisis: Two Defeats in Strange Defeat

At the time Marc Bloch wrote Strange Defeat, France had lost territory and its political status was reduced to that of a puppet empire. 1940 was a dark year, and the coming years would force the French to lose hope in the goodness of their national Marseilles, motto, or constituent ideals as a competent force for good. The technics of war, from the point of view of a supply line Intelligence officer creates a distinct prism of analysis for historians that appropriately conveys the logistical predecessors of contingent and subsequent complete defeat at the hands of the Germans. That is, the two intertwining communications stressed in this book are the military losses during the rapid advance of Nazi Germany through France and the cultural capitulation spreading throughout France and the Allies like a disease under the stress of starvation, hardship, and absence of adequate leadership.
The importance of the Maginot line cannot be stressed enough in French plans. Like the Titanic, a great ship so formidably designed no one thought to include life boats except for cosmetic purposes, the French investment in concrete believed to stop a German incursion substituted for proper evacuation and withdrawal plans (52). The French hoped to avoid a war with Germany first through diplomatic means and if all else failed to repulse her by utilization of near limitless resources invested soundly in the same mechanics of warfare found in the First World War.
Germany correctly anticipated the French attachment to a static defensive structure (73). Engines had grown in size, and motorized transports, armored divisions, and even motorcycles traversed the countryside, sowing uncontrollable panic without even confronting the fortifications of the military (51). Bloch hypothesizes that if such an outcome were possible there may have been a path to victory in this early war with full and vigorous retreats to bring the French military together and to make a unified assault on German targets (40). Improper planning led to isolated units, without water or other necessary supplies, that Bloch was personally acquainted with as an officer of the fuel depots (38).
Hitler met with psychologists in the development of the Blitzkrieg in order to ensure that the war would exert the maximum effect on civilian and military populations possible. Mechanical means were used to boost the screech of dive-bombers, for example (54).  The Battle of London showed the Luftwaffe capable of a good deal more than was deployed into France. The French likely would have required more than simple modifications to withdrawals to counter German invasion forces, should such an outcome be conceivable without dramatically changing the fundamental makeup of the French Army. Only half of the battle was lost on the field, however.
By the conclusion of military operations dramatic social class differences in France were extant, and the occupiers sought to exploit these as liberators or bringers of a new form of government: the tyrant or dictator. In the process of authoritarianism, the French would lose hope in their national Marseilles (138). For the first time, the Germans began to fail. Where the military had instilled fear in the mind of France, appropriately enough, intelligence operatives from Germany were thugs. Improper targets were chased, and fifth columnists inappropriately exploited, becoming one of the targets of blame (25). As a consequence, the Resistance lived on.
At the time Marc Bloch wrote, the France that De Gaulle described in London was a fairy tale. Even among the regular French population, “the Germany of Hitler aroused certain sympathies the Germany of Ebert could never have hoped to appeal” and the war seemed lost for the French people as well as the military (150). To Bloch, the political right had sold out to fascists and vassalized France while detracting their political opponents as warmongers. These were elements of a social class conflict with the bourgeoisie as their target. They had “refused to take the masses seriously, or they trembled before their implied threat. What they did not realize was that, by so doing, they were separating themselves effectively from France” (167).

Monday, September 11, 2017

One Thousand Pieces of a National Drama in the Unfree French

Paul Fischer
Professor Zdatny

One Thousand Pieces of a National Drama in The Unfree French

Contemporary historians struggle to piece together the dramatic events that unfolded in France during the German occupation of World War II. There are a number of grounded facts that make analysis difficult, even contradictory, in practice. Ranging from former occupation to censorship such empirically founded agents of complexity are disambiguated in The Unfree French by Richard Vinen from the distinctly political and deliberate upheaval of institutions, persons, and property in France that occurred. Rather than dwelling on the tragedies in the course of war or the jubilation of victory and resistance, Vinen successfully navigates the integral developments through the war making a perplexing narrative tangible to modern historians.
The presence and widespread impact of prisoners of war in Germany and France blurs the lines between these two narratives; a political narrative was initiated in the hearts of every Frenchman, and stuck in the gut of the Frenchwoman as well (373-5). Uncertainty became a critical theme in this narrative early in the war, and though “it was probably in the bitter cold of January of 1941 that most prisoners finally accepted there was not going to be a large scale release” and that no orders to escape existed as for British soldiers, massive numbers managed to escape from early internment camps (157). On the countryside, both the confusion and the determination to serve France manifested in the panic of the exode.
While a popular film depicting the era, The Last Metro, includes a dialogue in which a woman refuses the implications of an agent of the censor by excusing herself as non-political to which he replies, “but you are wrong, everything is political,” the integral nature of politics to the era is matched by social considerations. Integrity of cached events deliberated through subsequent hunting is best reflected by the opinions of the survivors: “French people recalled the period in terms of what happened to them and those around them, the idea that these multitudes of individual dramas were part of a broader national drama only developed later” (16). The Unfree French succeeds in bringing this social collection of considerable import to political immediacy.
Intractability of the course of action of Vichy France cannot be dismissed as in the words of Bénoit-Méchin “the crowd possesses no organ for thought. Victim of its mental hallucinations and its nervous reactions, it is without defence against rumours and delirious dreams” (94). As much as silence defined the government of Pétain, and the subsequent Pétainism that dominated the colonies, circumstance dictated the actions of the individual French (31, 75). This occurred heroically, as one woman pinned a yellow star to her dog and others donned the symbol in protest though “gentiles who wore the yellow star were often themselves in some doubt about the precise significance of their act” (140). Even Marshall Pétain used the murky nature of the Franco-German occupation in a manner bordering on heroism, declaring to the Germans “if it would take you five days to invade France, it would take me five minutes to deliver my colonies and ships to Great Britain” (81).
The tale is not only one of gangsters and murder, of treaties and betrayal. There is also the final defeat of Germany, and the restoration of France. With the exception of some of the bourgeouisie, almost none found German occupation preferable to the Allied invasion: “Where the Germans had been systematically ruthless with the population, the Allies were confused and tactless” (331). Exposing the system of agents, censorship, and oppression that were in play in occupied territories through World War II helps an understanding of the formal initiation of military operations and of the subsequent blood bath to be formulated. 250,000 Gypsies in France were killed, as were 75,000 Jews. While death camp activity was lower among French citizens than many parts of Europe, and “Vichy aimed to exclude Jews from public life rather than to kill,” foreign born Jews in France suffered near complete extermination, and the highest kill rates of any civilian population in Europe was seen there (136).

Monday, August 28, 2017

Securing the Internet of Everything

Mr Philippe Roggeband
Securing the Internet of Everything
Notes by Paul Fischer
Security not as a noun, but as an adjective. It must be attached to everything we do.

Opportunity to share with an audience the work in the cybersecurity space and also to listen, to learn, within the specific constraints of national security.

The people we are facing are highly paid professionals, they make higher salaries than we do. They get caught and after a few years in prison work for us as consultants.

I was recently in Dubai, and the cyber field was described as a graph with the skill level of the hackers and the focus of the hackers being the variables. Spearfishing, with one but not the other is not dangerous, but we need to concentrate on those who have both. Automation is possible for low skilled stuff, but the resources are needed for higher skilled efforts

Why does it happen? It is lucrative. It is lucrative because there is money, a Facebook account is worth about a dollar for each 15 friends. More and more devices connect, and bring formidable growth in efforts of conspiracy

application specific hacking and technology should be used with new objects, cross app of the tech will solve this problem.

Industrial control systems are a totally different beast. Isolated networks nonstandard, developed years ago…
Critical infrastructure were once isolated but no longer, and defense is paramount.  A German attack on a steel factory >> physical damage to the control systems.
Specific constraints, there can be no latency because there is a loop form to the code, any blocking of traffic can result in disaster (i.e., a control valve cannot be delayed when temp is changing), so IT solutions must be adapted for application in an industrial sense.

Next generation TVs with cameras will also create challenges, these techs offer promise, but also must be protected vigilantly.

Creation of the connected battlefield. Not possible without the paramount protections being offered to the field. There is no guarantee they can be 100% secure, but it may be possible to reduce problems. We have many partners, many of whom are committed towards creating such a battlefield, that are also helping to develop tech. For network segmentation, intro of latency, other points to develop this concept.

Analysis of app level data or metadata can allow understanding of patterns in normal actions and warrant intercept actions on abnormal behaviors
The concept of being watched too much is somewhat of a generation thing
In the former generation, there is an assumption that everything made is private unless made public, in this generation that assumption has changed
3 phases
Before you are attacked (two types of firms, those who know they have been compromised and those who do not know they have been compromised)
Deploy tools to decrease attack surface and vulnarability level. This will not stop the attack ,but make the hacckers job more difficultP
Phase two: detect the attack.
Low-skilled attacks warrant no effort, they will be detected. 
Finally, the after phase, what has to be done after the attack has been detected and contained. Forensics and investigations Back to the before phase… 
Don’t just change the locks, but check under the bed for an accomplice of the villain.
CISCO uses TALOS to scout for attacks and to inform consumers of the attacks. Security architecture against the threat of the month, do not present a manageable premise…
Consistency is key to achieving success in security.
The first thing is to establish a context when there is access authenticated to a network
Where how time, etc, if no authentication it must be profiled, and if authenticated, a granular image of the user is uploaded.
Sometimes data can be in a grey zone of action, a device or a file.
Then we initiate device lateral tracking or file lateral tracking. This tells us every device or file that the file uploaded to or device connected to. This allows us after TALOS determines that an attack occurred somewhere to clean up and destroy all traces of the attack.
Growth rate of new attacks on android is hitting 800% per year, which presents a new crisis for us and we have been put in a permanent catch up situation. Hackers have identified the system as lucrative in nature.

Bring visibility on what is happening by leveraging the network, extracting everything from the fabric, 
consistent control, a single source of truth on the topic
Advanced threat protection and intelligence, because no one can match the firepower of TALOS

Finally, reduce the complexity of the system through an architected approach.